by Soo Yang

Turkey is an interesting country where secularism and Islam have found a stable but sometimes awkward balance. In our post-Sept. 11 view of Islamic politics, it is almost inconceivable that a country of 99.8 percent nominal Muslims living on the borders of Iraq and Syria would accept a liberal, secular democracy as a legitimate form of government. In fact, ever since the country was founded by Mustafa Kemal Atat?ºrk, a staunch humanist, the secular elite has maintained a strict separation of mosque and state for the last 85 years. However, with the rising middle class of more observant Muslims and now a parliamentary majority of religious conservatives, Turkey is struggling to redefine the role of faith in public and in the government.

In the midst of the country’s soul-searching journey for its national identity, a recent event has plunged Turkey into an intense political firestorm. Last Saturday, the Parliament voted for the first time to promote religious expression by lifting a 30-year-old ban on head scarves for observant Muslims in Turkish universities. Although banning head scarves seems quite extremist and unnecessary, it was regarded as an important step in defending Turkey’s secular society from religious radicalism and political Islam. However, younger generations of more traditional Turks are beginning to question the implications of their draconian pro-secular policies.

Unsurprisingly, emotions ran high all week as critics of the ban celebrated the vote as the government’s first step in recognizing the country’s religious majority while the secular establishment went out to the streets, protesting the attack on their progressive principles. Although both interpretations of this controversial event are understandable given their political motives and backgrounds, both sides must realize that the lift on the ban is neither an endorsement of a particular religion nor an erosion of progressive secularism.

In fact, the lifting of the ban will not only enable Muslims to wear head scarves but also allow Jews and Hindus to wear their traditional yarmulkes and bindis, respectively, on campus grounds. Although differences exist between the roles of different forms of religious garments, the end of the ban on religious symbols will effectively decriminalize religious expression in universities where the protection of free expression must equally apply to all students. In addition, this measure will promote religious diversity in a predominantly mono-religious society and fight extremism by showing the world that observant Jews, religious Muslims and secular atheists can live and study together in peace.

Furthermore, it is clear that the ban on head scarves has limited the opportunities for young Muslim women interested in higher education. Left to decide between their studies and their faith, some women have decided to study in foreign countries that do not prohibit their traditional clothing. However, the majority of women who cannot afford to study abroad opt to turn down university education for religious convictions. Thus, it is obvious that ending this ban will empower and encourage young women to pursue college education by eliminating an impediment in their path toward fair access to education and full social equality. Ultimately, university education will pull these young women away from the dangerous traps of religious extremism and help them understand their undeniable rights as women and as human beings.

In short, ending this ban on head scarves is critical in Turkey’s maturation as a more equal and tolerant society. Although some students will feel initial discomfort in seeing faces shrouded in cloth and some Muslims will feel uneasy about their new secular classmates, they will all learn that true tolerance is more than fabric deep.

-- Soo Yang is a sophomore in the College of Arts and Science. He can be reached at soo.r.yang@vanderbilt.edu

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